The News Business

Out of Print in The New Yorker Three centuries after the appearance of Franklin’s Courant, it no longer […]

Out of Print in The New Yorker

Three centuries after the appearance of Franklin’s Courant, it
no longer requires a dystopic imagination to wonder who will have the
dubious distinction of publishing America’s last genuine newspaper. Few
believe that newspapers in their current printed form will survive.
Newspaper companies are losing advertisers, readers, market value, and,
in some cases, their sense of mission at a pace that would have been
barely imaginable just four years ago. Bill Keller, the executive
editor of the Times, said recently in a speech in London, “At
places where editors and publishers gather, the mood these days is
funereal. Editors ask one another, ‘How are you?,’ in that sober tone
one employs with friends who have just emerged from rehab or a messy
divorce.” Keller’s speech appeared on the Web site of its sponsor, the Guardian, under the headline “NOT DEAD YET.”

Out of Print

The death and life of the American newspaper.

by Eric Alterman

March 31, 2008

Arianna Huffington questions newspapers'

Arianna Huffington questions newspapers'”veneer of unassailable trustworthiness.”

The American newspaper has been around for approximately three hundred years. Benjamin Harris’s spirited Publick Occurrences, Both Forreign and Domestick
managed just one issue, in 1690, before the Massachusetts authorities
closed it down. Harris had suggested a politically incorrect hard line
on Indian removal and shocked local sensibilities by reporting that the
King of France had been taking liberties with the Prince’s wife.

It really was not until 1721, when the printer James Franklin launched the New England Courant,
that any of Britain’s North American colonies saw what we might
recognize today as a real newspaper. Franklin, Benjamin’s older
brother, refused to adhere to customary licensing arrangements and
constantly attacked the ruling powers of New England, thereby achieving
both editorial independence and commercial success. He filled his paper
with crusades (on everything from pirates to the power of Cotton and
Increase Mather), literary essays by Addison and Steele, character
sketches, and assorted philosophical ruminations.

Three centuries after the appearance of Franklin’s Courant,
it no longer requires a dystopic imagination to wonder who will have
the dubious distinction of publishing America’s last genuine newspaper.
Few believe that newspapers in their current printed form will survive.
Newspaper companies are losing advertisers, readers, market value, and,
in some cases, their sense of mission at a pace that would have been
barely imaginable just four years ago. Bill Keller, the executive
editor of the Times, said recently in a speech in London, “At
places where editors and publishers gather, the mood these days is
funereal. Editors ask one another, ‘How are you?,’ in that sober tone
one employs with friends who have just emerged from rehab or a messy
divorce.” Keller’s speech appeared on the Web site of its sponsor, the Guardian, under the headline “NOT DEAD YET.”

Perhaps not, but trends in circulation and advertising–the rise of
the Internet, which has made the daily newspaper look slow and
unresponsive; the advent of Craigslist, which is wiping out classified
advertising–have created a palpable sense of doom. Independent,
publicly traded American newspapers have lost forty-two per cent of
their market value in the past three years, according to the media
entrepreneur Alan Mutter. Few corporations have been punished on Wall
Street the way those who dare to invest in the newspaper business have.
The McClatchy Company, which was the only company to bid on the Knight
Ridder chain when, in 2005, it was put on the auction block, has
surrendered more than eighty per cent of its stock value since making
the $6.5-billion purchase. Lee Enterprises’ stock is down by
three-quarters since it bought out the Pulitzer chain, the same year.
America’s most prized journalistic possessions are suddenly looking
like corporate millstones. Rather than compete in an era of merciless
transformation, the families that owned the Los Angeles Times and the Wall Street Journal
sold off the majority of their holdings. The New York Times Company has
seen its stock decline by fifty-four per cent since the end of 2004,
with much of the loss coming in the past year; in late February, an
analyst at Deutsche Bank recommended that clients sell off their Times
stock. The Washington Post Company has avoided a similar fate only by
rebranding itself an “education and media company”; its testing and
prep company, Kaplan, now brings in at least half the company’s

Until recently, newspapers were accustomed to operating as
high-margin monopolies. To own the dominant, or only, newspaper in a
mid-sized American city was, for many decades, a kind of license to
print money. In the Internet age, however, no one has figured out how
to rescue the newspaper in the United States or abroad. Newspapers have
created Web sites that benefit from the growth of online advertising,
but the sums are not nearly enough to replace the loss in revenue from
circulation and print ads.

Most managers in the industry have reacted to the
collapse of their business model with a spiral of budget cuts, bureau
closings, buyouts, layoffs, and reductions in page size and column
inches. Since 1990, a quarter of all American newspaper jobs have
disappeared. The columnist Molly Ivins complained, shortly before her
death, that the newspaper companies’ solution to their problem was to
make “our product smaller and less helpful and less interesting.” That
may help explain why the dwindling number of Americans who buy and read
a daily paper are spending less time with it; the average is down to
less than fifteen hours a month. Only nineteen per cent of Americans
between the ages of eighteen and thirty-four claim even to look at a
daily newspaper. The average age of the American newspaper reader is
fifty-five and rising.

Philip Meyer, in his book “The Vanishing
Newspaper” (2004), predicts that the final copy of the final newspaper
will appear on somebody’s doorstep one day in 2043. It may be unkind to
point out that all these parlous trends coincide with the opening, this
spring, of the $450-million Newseum, in Washington, D.C., but, more and
more, what Bill Keller calls “that lovable old-fashioned bundle of ink
and cellulose” is starting to feel like an artifact ready for display
under glass.

Taking its place, of course, is the Internet,
which is about to pass newspapers as a source of political news for
American readers. For young people, and for the most politically
engaged, it has already done so. As early as May, 2004, newspapers had
become the least preferred source for news among younger people.
According to “Abandoning the News,” published by the Carnegie
Corporation, thirty-nine per cent of respondents under the age of
thirty-five told researchers that they expected to use the Internet in
the future for news purposes; just eight per cent said that they would
rely on a newspaper. It is a point of ironic injustice, perhaps, that
when a reader surfs the Web in search of political news he frequently
ends up at a site that is merely aggregating journalistic work that
originated in a newspaper, but that fact is not likely to save any
newspaper jobs or increase papers’ stock valuation.

Among the
most significant aspects of the transition from “dead tree” newspapers
to a world of digital information lies in the nature of “news” itself.
The American newspaper (and the nightly newscast) is designed to appeal
to a broad audience, with conflicting values and opinions, by virtue of
its commitment to the goal of objectivity. Many newspapers, in their
eagerness to demonstrate a sense of balance and impartiality, do not
allow reporters to voice their opinions publicly, march in
demonstrations, volunteer in political campaigns, wear political
buttons, or attach bumper stickers to their cars.

In private conversation, reporters and editors concede that
objectivity is an ideal, an unreachable horizon, but journalists belong
to a remarkably thin-skinned fraternity, and few of them will publicly
admit to betraying in print even a trace of bias. They discount the
notion that their beliefs could interfere with their ability to report
a story with perfect balance. As the venerable “dean” of the Washington
press corps, David Broder, of the Post, puts it, “There just isn’t enough ideology in the average reporter to fill a thimble.”

Meanwhile, public trust in newspapers has been slipping at least as
quickly as the bottom line. A recent study published by Sacred Heart
University found that fewer than twenty per cent of Americans said they
could believe “all or most” media reporting, a figure that has fallen
from more than twenty-seven per cent just five years ago. “Less than
one in five believe what they read in print,” the 2007 “State of the
News Media” report, issued by the Project for Excellence in Journalism,
concluded. “CNN is not really more trusted than Fox, or ABC than NBC.
The local paper is not viewed much differently than the New York Times.”
Vastly more Americans believe in flying saucers and 9/11 conspiracy
theories than believe in the notion of balanced–much less
“objective”–mainstream news media. Nearly nine in ten Americans,
according to the Sacred Heart study, say that the media consciously
seek to influence public policies, though they disagree about whether
the bias is liberal or conservative.

No less challenging is the rapid transformation that has taken place
in the public’s understanding of, and demand for, “news” itself. Rupert
Murdoch, in a speech to the American Society of Newspaper Editors, in
April, 2005–two years before his five-billion-dollar takeover of Dow
Jones & Co. and the Wall Street Journal–warned the
industry’s top editors and publishers that the days when “news and
information were tightly controlled by a few editors, who deigned to
tell us what we could and should know,” were over. No longer would
people accept “a godlike figure from above” presenting the news as
“gospel.” Today’s consumers “want news on demand, continuously updated.
They want a point of view about not just what happened but why it
happened. . . . And finally, they want to be able to use the
information in a larger community–to talk about, to debate, to
question, and even to meet people who think about the world in similar
or different ways.”

One month after Murdoch’s speech, a
thirty-one-year-old computer whiz, Jonah Peretti, and a former A.O.L.
executive, Kenneth Lerer, joined the ubiquitous
commentator-candidate-activist Arianna Huffington to launch a new Web
site, which they called the Huffington Post. First envisaged as a
liberal alternative to the Drudge Report, the Huffington Post started
out by aggregating political news and gossip; it also organized a group
blog, with writers drawn largely from Huffington’s alarmingly vast
array of friends and connections. Huffington had accumulated that
network during years as a writer on topics from Greek philosophy to the
life of Picasso, as the spouse of a wealthy Republican congressman in
California, and now, after a divorce and an ideological conversion, as
a Los Angeles-based liberal commentator and failed gubernatorial

Almost by accident, however, the owners of the
Huffington Post had discovered a formula that capitalized on the
problems confronting newspapers in the Internet era, and they are
convinced that they are ready to reinvent the American newspaper.
“Early on, we saw that the key to this enterprise was not aping
Drudge,” Lerer recalls. “It was taking advantage of our community. And
the key was to think of what we were doing through the community’s

On the Huffington Post, Peretti explains, news is not something
handed down from above but “a shared enterprise between its producer
and its consumer.” Echoing Murdoch, he says that the Internet offers
editors “immediate information” about which stories interest readers,
provoke comments, are shared with friends, and generate the greatest
number of Web searches. An Internet-based news site, Peretti contends,
is therefore “alive in a way that is impossible for paper and ink.”

Though Huffington has a news staff (it is tiny, but the hope is to
expand in the future), the vast majority of the stories that it
features originate elsewhere, whether in print, on television, or on
someone’s video camera or cell phone. The editors link to whatever they
believe to be the best story on a given topic. Then they repurpose it
with a catchy, often liberal-leaning headline and provide a comment
section beneath it, where readers can chime in. Surrounding the news
articles are the highly opinionated posts of an apparently endless army
of both celebrity (Nora Ephron, Larry David) and non-celebrity
bloggers–more than eighteen hundred so far. The bloggers are not paid.
The over-all effect may appear chaotic and confusing, but, Lerer
argues, “this new way of thinking about, and presenting, the news, is
transforming news as much as CNN did thirty years ago.” Arianna
Huffington and her partners believe that their model points to where
the news business is heading. “People love to talk about the death of
newspapers, as if it’s a foregone conclusion. I think that’s
ridiculous,” she says. “Traditional media just need to realize that the
online world isn’t the enemy. In fact, it’s the thing that will save
them, if they fully embrace it.”

It’s an almost comically audacious ambition for an
operation with only forty-six full-time employees–many of whom are
barely old enough to rent a car. But, with about eleven million dollars
at its disposal, the site is poised to break even on advertising
revenue of somewhere between six and ten million dollars annually. What
most impresses advertisers–and depresses newspaper-company
executives–is the site’s growth numbers. In the past thirty days,
thanks in large measure to the excitement of the Democratic primaries,
the site’s “unique visitors”–that is, individual computers that clicked
on one of its pages–jumped to more than eleven million, according to
the company. And, according to estimates from Nielsen NetRatings and
comScore, the Huffington Post is more popular than all but eight
newspaper sites, rising from sixteenth place in December.

Miller once described a good newspaper as “a nation talking to itself.”
If only in this respect, the Huffington Post is a great newspaper. It
is not unusual for a short blog post to inspire a thousand posts from
readers–posts that go off in their own directions and lead to arguments
and conversations unrelated to the topic that inspired them.
Occasionally, these comments present original perspectives and
arguments, but many resemble the graffiti on a bathroom wall.

The notion that the Huffington Post is somehow going to compete
with, much less displace, the best traditional newspapers is arguable
on other grounds as well. The site’s original-reporting resources are
minuscule. The site has no regular sports or book coverage, and its
entertainment section is a trashy grab bag of unverified Internet
gossip. And, while the Huffington Post has successfully positioned
itself as the place where progressive politicians and Hollywood liberal
luminaries post their anti-Bush Administration sentiments, many of the
original blog posts that it publishes do not merit the effort of even a
mouse click.

Additional oddities abound. Whereas a newspaper tends to stand by
its story on the basis of an editorial process in which professional
reporters and editors attempt to vet their sources and check their
accuracy before publishing, the blogosphere relies on its
readership–its community–for quality control. At the Huffington Post,
Jonah Peretti explains, the editors “stand behind our front page” and
do their best to insure that only trusted bloggers and reliable news
sources are posted there. Most posts inside the site, however, go up
before an editor sees them. Only if a post is deemed by a reader to be
false, defamatory, or offensive does an editor get involved.

The Huffington Post’s editorial processes are based on what Peretti
has named the “mullet strategy.” (“Business up front, party in the
back” is how his trend-spotting site BuzzFeed glosses it.)
“User-generated content is all the rage, but most of it totally sucks,”
Peretti says. The mullet strategy invites users to “argue and vent on
the secondary pages, but professional editors keep the front page
looking sharp. The mullet strategy is here to stay, because the best
way for Web companies to increase traffic is to let users have control,
but the best way to sell advertising is a slick, pretty front page
where corporate sponsors can admire their brands.”

This policy is hardly without its pitfalls. During the Hurricane
Katrina crisis, the activist Randall Robinson referred, in a post, to
reports from New Orleans that some people there were “eating corpses to
survive.” When Arianna Huffington heard about the post, she got in
touch with Robinson and found that he could not support his musings;
she asked Robinson to post a retraction. The alacrity with which the
correction took place was admirable, but it was not fast enough to
prevent the false information from being repeated elsewhere.

The tensions between the leaders of the mainstream
media and the challengers from the Web were presaged by one of the most
instructive and heated intellectual debates of the American twentieth

Between 1920 and 1925, the young Walter Lippmann
published three books investigating the theoretical relationship
between democracy and the press, including “Public Opinion” (1922),
which is credited with inspiring both the public-relations profession
and the academic field of media studies. Lippmann identified a
fundamental gap between what we naturally expect from democracy and
what we know to be true about people. Democratic theory demands that
citizens be knowledgeable about issues and familiar with the
individuals put forward to lead them. And, while these assumptions may
have been reasonable for the white, male, property-owning classes of
James Franklin’s Colonial Boston, contemporary capitalist society had,
in Lippmann’s view, grown too big and complex for crucial events to be
mastered by the average citizen.

Journalism works well, Lippmann wrote, when “it can report the score
of a game or a transatlantic flight, or the death of a monarch.” But
where the situation is more complicated, “as for example, in the matter
of the success of a policy, or the social conditions among a foreign
people–that is to say, where the real answer is neither yes or no, but
subtle, and a matter of balanced evidence,” journalism “causes no end
of derangement, misunderstanding, and even misrepresentation.”

Lippmann likened the average American–or “outsider,” as he tellingly
named him–to a “deaf spectator in the back row” at a sporting event:
“He does not know what is happening, why it is happening, what ought to
happen,” and “he lives in a world which he cannot see, does not
understand and is unable to direct.” In a description that may strike a
familiar chord with anyone who watches cable news or listens to talk
radio today, Lippmann assumed a public that “is slow to be aroused and
quickly diverted . . . and is interested only when events have been
melodramatized as a conflict.” A committed élitist, Lippmann did not
see why anyone should find these conclusions shocking. Average citizens
are hardly expected to master particle physics or post-structuralism.
Why should we expect them to understand the politics of Congress, much
less that of the Middle East?

Lippmann’s preferred solution was, in essence, to junk democracy
entirely. He justified this by arguing that the results were what
mattered. Even “if there were a prospect” that people could become
sufficiently well-informed to govern themselves wisely, he wrote, “it
is extremely doubtful whether many of us would wish to be bothered.” In
his first attempt to consider the issue, in “Liberty and the News”
(1920), Lippmann suggested addressing the problem by raising the status
of journalism to that of more respected professions. Two years later,
in “Public Opinion,” he concluded that journalism could never solve the
problem merely by “acting upon everybody for thirty minutes in
twenty-four hours.” Instead, in one of the oddest formulations of his
long career, Lippmann proposed the creation of “intelligence bureaus,”
which would be given access to all the information they needed to judge
the government’s actions without concerning themselves much with
democratic preferences or public debate. Just what, if any, role the
public would play in this process Lippmann never explained.

John Dewey termed “Public Opinion” “perhaps the most effective
indictment of democracy as currently conceived ever penned,” and he
spent much of the next five years countering it. The result, published
in 1927, was an extremely tendentious, dense, yet important book,
titled “The Public and Its Problems.” Dewey did not dispute Lippmann’s
contention regarding journalism’s flaws or the public’s vulnerability
to manipulation. But Dewey thought that Lippmann’s cure was worse than
the disease. While Lippmann viewed public opinion as little more than
the sum of the views of each individual, much like a poll, Dewey saw it
more like a focus group. The foundation of democracy to Dewey was less
information than conversation. Members of a democratic society needed
to cultivate what the journalism scholar James W. Carey, in describing
the debate, called “certain vital habits” of democracy–the ability to
discuss, deliberate on, and debate various perspectives in a manner
that would move it toward consensus.

Dewey also criticized Lippmann’s trust in knowledge-based élites. “A
class of experts is inevitably so removed from common interests as to
become a class with private interests and private knowledge,” he
argued. “The man who wears the shoe knows best that it pinches and
where it pinches, even if the expert shoemaker is the best judge of how
the trouble is to be remedied.”

Lippmann and Dewey devoted much of the rest of their lives to
addressing the problems they had diagnosed, Lippmann as the archetypal
insider pundit and Dewey as the prophet of democratic education. To the
degree that posterity can be said to have declared a winner in this
argument, the future turned out much closer to Lippmann’s ideal.
Dewey’s confidence in democracy rested in significant measure on his
“faith in the capacity of human beings for intelligent judgment and
action if proper conditions are furnished.” But nothing in his
voluminous writings gives the impression that he believed these
conditions–which he defined expansively to include democratic schools,
factories, voluntary associations, and, particularly, newspapers–were
ever met in his lifetime. (Dewey died in 1952, at the age of

The history of the American press demonstrates a tendency toward
exactly the kind of professionalization for which Lippmann initially
argued. When Lippmann was writing, many newspapers remained committed
to the partisan model of the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century
American press, in which editors and publishers viewed themselves as
appendages of one or another political power or patronage machine and
slanted their news offerings accordingly. (Think of Thomas Jefferson
and Alexander Hamilton battling each other through their competing
newspapers while serving in George Washington’s Cabinet.) The
twentieth-century model, in which newspapers strive for political
independence and attempt to act as referees between competing parties
on behalf of what they perceive to be the public interest, was, in
Lippmann’s time, in its infancy.

As the profession grew more sophisticated and respected, in part
owing to Lippmann’s example, top reporters, anchors, and editors
naturally rose in status to the point where some came to be considered
the social equals of the senators, Cabinet secretaries, and C.E.O.s
they reported on. Just as naturally, these same reporters and editors
sometimes came to identify with their subjects, rather than with their
readers, as Dewey had predicted. Aside from biennial elections
featuring smaller and smaller portions of the electorate, politics
increasingly became a business for professionals and a spectator sport
for the great unwashed–much as Lippmann had hoped and Dewey had feared.
Beyond the publication of the occasional letter to the editor, the role
of the reader was defined as purely passive.

The Lippmann model received its initial challenge from the political
right. Many conservatives regarded the major networks, newspapers, and
newsweeklies–the mainstream media–as liberal arbiters, incapable of
covering without bias the civil-rights movement in the South or Barry
Goldwater’s Presidential campaign. They responded by building think
tanks and media outlets designed both to challenge and to bypass the
mainstream media. The Reagan revolution, which brought conservatives to
power in Washington, had its roots not only in the candidate’s personal
appeal as a “great communicator” but in a decades-long campaign of
ideological spadework undertaken in magazines such as William F.
Buckley, Jr.,’s National Review and Norman Podhoretz’s Commentary and in the pugnacious editorial pages of the Wall Street Journal,
edited for three decades by Robert Bartley. The rise of what has come
to be known as the conservative “counter-establishment” and, later, of
media phenomena such as Rush Limbaugh, on talk radio, and Bill
O’Reilly, on cable television, can be viewed in terms of a Deweyan
community attempting to seize the reins of democratic authority and
information from a Lippmann-like élite.

A liberal version of the Deweyan community took longer to form, in
part because it took liberals longer to find fault with the media.
Until the late nineteen-seventies, many in the mainstream media did, in
fact, exhibit the “liberal bias” with which conservatives continue to
charge them, regarding their unquestioned belief both in a strong,
activist government and in its moral responsibility to insure the
expansion of rights to women and to ethnic and racial minorities. But a
concerted effort to recruit pundits from the new conservative
counter-establishment, coupled with investment by wealthy right-wing
activists and businessmen in an interlocking web of
counter-establishment think tanks, pressure groups, periodicals, radio
stations, and television networks, operated as a kind of rightward
gravitational pull on the mainstream’s reporting and helped to create a
far more sympathetic context for conservative candidates than Goldwater
supporters could have imagined.

Duncan Black, a former economics professor who writes a popular
progressive blog under the name Atrios, explains that he, too, believed
in what he calls “the myth of the liberal media.” He goes on, “But
watching the press’s collective behavior during the Clinton impeachment
saga, the Gore campaign, the post-9/11 era, the run-up to the Iraq war,
and the Bush Administration’s absurd and dangerous claims of executive
power rendered such a belief absurd. Sixty-five per cent of the
American public disapproves of the Bush Administration, but that
perspective, even now, has very little representation anywhere in the
mainstream media.”

The birth of the liberal blogosphere, with its ability to bypass the
big media institutions and conduct conversations within a like-minded
community, represents a revival of the Deweyan challenge to our
Lippmann-like understanding of what constitutes “news” and, in doing
so, might seem to revive the philosopher’s notion of a genuinely
democratic discourse. The Web provides a powerful platform that enables
the creation of communities; distribution is frictionless, swift, and
cheap. The old democratic model was a nation of New England towns
filled with well-meaning, well-informed yeoman farmers. Thanks to the
Web, we can all join in a Deweyan debate on Presidents, policies, and
proposals. All that’s necessary is a decent Internet connection.

What put the Huffington Post on the map was a
series of pieces during the summer and autumn of 2005, in which Arianna
Huffington relentlessly attacked the military and foreign-affairs
reporting of the Times‘ Judith Miller. Huffington was fed by a steady stream of leaks and suggestions from Times editors and reporters, even though much of the newspaper world considered her journalistic credentials highly questionable.

Huffington Post was hardly the first Web site to stumble on the
technique of leveraging the knowledge of its readers to challenge the
mainstream media narrative. For example, conservative bloggers at sites
like Little Green Footballs took pleasure in helping to bring down Dan
Rather after he broadcast dubious documents allegedly showing that
George W. Bush had received special treatment during his service in the
Texas Air National Guard.

Long before the conservatives forced out Dan Rather, a liberal
freelance journalist named Joshua Micah Marshall had begun a site,
called Talking Points Memo, intended to take stories well beyond where
mainstream newspapers had taken them, often by relying on the voluntary
research and well-timed leaks of an avid readership. His site, begun
during the 2000 Florida-recount controversy, ultimately spawned several
related sites, which are collectively known as TPM Media, and which are
financed through a combination of reader donations and advertising. In
the admiring judgment of the Columbia Journalism Review,
Talking Points Memo “was almost single-handedly responsible for
bringing the story of the fired U.S. Attorneys to a boil,” a scandal
that ultimately ended with the resignation of Attorney General Alberto
Gonzales and a George Polk Award for Marshall, the first ever for a
blogger. Talking Points Memo also played a lead role in defeating the
Bush Social Security plan and in highlighting Trent Lott’s praise for
Strom Thurmond’s 1948 segregationist Presidential campaign. Lott was
eventually forced to step down as Senate Majority Leader.

According to Marshall, “the collaborative aspect” of his site “came
about entirely by accident.” His original intention was merely to offer
his readers “transparency,” so that his “strong viewpoint” would be
distinguishable from the facts that he presented. Over time, however,
he found that the enormous response that his work engendered offered
access to “a huge amount of valuable information”–information that was
not always available to mainstream reporters, who tended to deal
largely with what Marshall terms “professional sources.” During the
Katrina crisis, for example, Marshall discovered that some of his
readers worked in the federal government’s climate-and-weather-tracking
infrastructure. They provided him and the site with reliable reporting
available nowhere else.

Marshall’s undeniable achievement notwithstanding,
traditional newspaper men and women tend to be unimpressed by the style
of journalism practiced at the political Web sites. Operating on the
basis of a Lippmann-like reverence for inside knowledge and contempt
for those who lack it, many view these sites the way serious fiction
authors might view the “novels” tapped out by Japanese commuters on
their cell phones. Real reporting, especially the investigative kind,
is expensive, they remind us. Aggregation and opinion are cheap.

it is true: no Web site spends anything remotely like what the best
newspapers do on reporting. Even after the latest round of new cutbacks
and buyouts are carried out, the Times will retain a core of
more than twelve hundred newsroom employees, or approximately fifty
times as many as the Huffington Post. The Washington Post and the Los Angeles Times maintain between eight hundred and nine hundred editorial employees each. The Times
Baghdad bureau alone costs around three million dollars a year to
maintain. And while the Huffington Post shares the benefit of these
investments, it shoulders none of the costs.

Despite the many failures at newspapers, the vast majority of
reporters and editors have devoted years, even decades, to
understanding the subjects of their stories. It is hard to name any
bloggers who can match the professional expertise, and the reporting,
of, for example, the Post s Barton Gellman and Dana Priest, or the Times‘ Dexter Filkins and Alissa Rubin.

In October, 2005, at an advertisers’ conference in Phoenix, Bill
Keller complained that bloggers merely “recycle and chew on the news,”
contrasting that with the Times‘ emphasis on what he called “a ‘journalism of verification,’ ” rather than mere “assertion.”

“Bloggers are not chewing on the news. They are spitting it out,”
Arianna Huffington protested in a Huffington Post blog. Like most
liberal bloggers, she takes exception to the assumption by so many
traditional journalists that their work is superior to that of bloggers
when it comes to ferreting out the truth. The ability of bloggers to
find the flaws in the mainstream media’s reporting of the Iraq war
“highlighted the absurdity of the knee jerk comparison of the relative
credibility of the so-called MSM and the blogosphere,” she said, and
went on, “In the run-up to the Iraq war, many in the mainstream media,
including the New York Times, lost their veneer of unassailable
trustworthiness for many readers and viewers, and it became clear that
new media sources could be trusted–and indeed are often much quicker at
correcting mistakes than old media sources.”

But Huffington fails to address the parasitical relationship that
virtually all Internet news sites and blog commentators enjoy with
newspapers. The Huffington Post made a gesture in the direction of
original reporting and professionalism last year when it hired Thomas
Edsall, a forty-year veteran of the Washington Post and other papers, as its political editor. At the time he was approached by the Huffington Post, Edsall said, he felt that the Post
had become “increasingly driven by fear–the fear of declining
readership, the fear of losing advertisers, the fear of diminishing
revenues, the fear of being swamped by the Internet, the fear of
irrelevance. Fear drove the paper, from top to bottom, to corrupt the
entire news operation.” Joining the Huffington Post, Edsall said, was
akin to “getting out of jail,” and he has written, ever since, with a
sense of liberation. But such examples are rare.

And so even if one agrees with all of Huffington’s jabs at the Times, and Edsall’s critique of the Washington Post,
it is impossible not to wonder what will become of not just news but
democracy itself, in a world in which we can no longer depend on
newspapers to invest their unmatched resources and professional pride
in helping the rest of us to learn, however imperfectly, what we need
to know.

In a recent episode of “The Simpsons,” a cartoon
version of Dan Rather introduced a debate panel featuring “Ron Lehar, a
print journalist from the Washington Post.” This inspired Bart’s nemesis Nelson to shout, “Haw haw! Your medium is dying!”

“Nelson!” Principal Skinner admonished the boy.

“But it is!” was the young man’s reply.

Nelson is right. Newspapers are dying; the evidence of diminishment
in economic vitality, editorial quality, depth, personnel, and the
over-all number of papers is everywhere. What this portends for the
future is complicated. Three years ago, Rupert Murdoch warned newspaper
editors, “Many of us have been remarkably, unaccountably complacent . .
. quietly hoping that this thing called the digital revolution would
just limp along.” Today, almost all serious newspapers are scrambling
to adapt themselves to the technological and community-building
opportunities offered by digital news delivery, including individual
blogs, video reports, and “chat” opportunities for readers. Some, like
the Times and the Post, will likely survive this moment
of technological transformation in different form, cutting staff while
increasing their depth and presence online. Others will seek to focus
themselves locally. Newspaper editors now say that they “get it.” Yet
traditional journalists are blinkered by their emotional investment in
their Lippmann-like status as insiders. They tend to dismiss not only
most blogosphere-based criticisms but also the messy democratic ferment
from which these criticisms emanate. The Chicago Tribune
recently felt compelled to shut down comment boards on its Web site for
all political news stories. Its public editor, Timothy J. McNulty,
complained, not without reason, that “the boards were beginning to read
like a community of foul-mouthed bigots.”

Arianna Huffington, for her part, believes that the online and the
print newspaper model are beginning to converge: “As advertising
dollars continue to move online–as they slowly but certainly
are–HuffPost will be adding more and more reporting and the Times and Post
model will continue with the kinds of reporting they do, but they’ll do
more of it originally online.” She predicts “more vigorous reporting in
the future that will include distributed journalism–wisdom-of-the-crowd
reporting of the kind that was responsible for the exposing of the
Attorneys General firing scandal.” As for what may be lost in this
transition, she is untroubled: “A lot of reporting now is just piling
on the conventional wisdom–with important stories dying on the front
page of the New York Times.”

The survivors among the big newspapers will not be without support
from the nonprofit sector. ProPublica, funded by the liberal
billionaires Herb and Marion Sandler and headed by the former Wall Street Journal
managing editor Paul Steiger, hopes to provide the mainstream media
with the investigative reporting that so many have chosen to forgo. The
Center for Independent Media, headed by David Bennahum, a former writer
at Wired, recently hired Jefferson Morley, from the Washington Post, and Allison Silver, a former editor at both the Los Angeles Times and the New York Times,
to oversee a Web site called the Washington Independent. It’s one of a
family of news-blogging sites meant to pick up some of the slack left
by declining staffs in local and Washington reporting, with the hope of
expanding everywhere. But to imagine that philanthropy can fill all the
gaps arising from journalistic cutbacks is wishful thinking.

And so we are about to enter a fractured, chaotic world of news,
characterized by superior community conversation but a decidedly
diminished level of first-rate journalism. The transformation of
newspapers from enterprises devoted to objective reporting to a cluster
of communities, each engaged in its own kind of “news”–and each with
its own set of “truths” upon which to base debate and discussion–will
mean the loss of a single national narrative and agreed-upon set of
“facts” by which to conduct our politics. News will become increasingly
“red” or “blue.” This is not utterly new. Before Adolph Ochs took over
the Times, in 1896, and issued his famous “without fear or
favor” declaration, the American scene was dominated by brazenly
partisan newspapers. And the news cultures of many European nations
long ago embraced the notion of competing narratives for different
political communities, with individual newspapers reflecting the views
of each faction. It may not be entirely coincidental that these nations
enjoy a level of political engagement that dwarfs that of the United

The transformation will also engender serious losses. By providing what Bill Keller, of the Times,
calls the “serendipitous encounters that are hard to replicate in the
quicker, reader-driven format of a Web site”–a difference that he
compares to that “between a clock and a calendar”–newspapers have
helped to define the meaning of America to its citizens. To choose one
date at random, on the morning of Monday, February 11th, I picked up
the paper-and-ink New York Times on my doorstep, and, in
addition to the stories one could have found anywhere–Obama defeating
Clinton again and the Bush Administration’s decision to seek the death
penalty for six Guantánamo detainees–the front page featured a unique
combination of articles, stories that might disappear from our
collective consciousness were there no longer any institution to
generate and publish them. These included a report from Nairobi, by
Jeffrey Gettleman, on the effect of Kenya’s ethnic violence on the
country’s middle class; a dispatch from Doha, by Tamar Lewin, on the
growth of American university campuses in Qatar; and, in a scoop that
was featured on the Huffington Post’s politics page and excited much of
the blogosphere that day, a story, by Michael R. Gordon, about the
existence of a study by the RAND
Corporation which offered a harsh critique of the Bush Administration’s
performance in Iraq. The juxtaposition of these disparate topics forms
both a baseline of knowledge for the paper’s readers and a picture of
the world they inhabit. In “Imagined Communities” (1983), an
influential book on the origins of nationalism, the political scientist
Benedict Anderson recalls Hegel’s comparison of the ritual of the
morning paper to that of morning prayer: “Each communicant is well
aware that the ceremony he performs is being replicated simultaneously
by thousands (or millions) of others of whose existence he is
confident, yet of whose identity he has not the slightest notion.” It
is at least partially through the “imagined community” of the daily
newspaper, Anderson writes, that nations are forged.

Finally, we
need to consider what will become of those people, both at home and
abroad, who depend on such journalistic enterprises to keep them safe
from various forms of torture, oppression, and injustice. “People do
awful things to each other,” the veteran war photographer George
Guthrie says in “Night and Day,” Tom Stoppard’s 1978 play about foreign
correspondents. “But it’s worse in places where everybody is kept in
the dark.” Ever since James Franklin’s New England Courant
started coming off the presses, the daily newspaper, more than any
other medium, has provided the information that the nation needed if it
was to be kept out of “the dark.” Just how an Internet-based news
culture can spread the kind of “light” that is necessary to prevent
terrible things, without the armies of reporters and photographers that
newspapers have traditionally employed, is a question that even the
most ardent democrat in John Dewey’s tradition may not wish to see
answered. ♦